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Work bully signs


Facts About Bullying | StopBullying.gov

This section pulls together fundamental information about bullying, including:

  • Definition
  • Research on Bullying
  • Bullying Statistics
  • Bullying and Suicide
  • Anti-Bullying Laws

Definition of Bullying

In 2014, the Centers for Disease Control and Department of Education released the first federal definition of bullying. The definition includes three core elements:

  • unwanted aggressive behavior
  • observed or perceived power imbalance
  • repetition or high likelihood of repetition of bullying behaviors

This definition helps determine whether an incident is bullying or another type of aggressive behavior or both.

Research on Bullying

Bullying prevention is a growing research field that investigates the complexities and consequences of bullying. Important areas for more research include:

  • Prevalence of bullying in schools
  • Prevalence of cyberbullying in online spaces
  • How bullying affects people
  • Risk factors for people who are bullied, people who bully others, or both
  • How to prevent bullying
  • How media and media coverage affects bullying

What We’ve Learned about Bullying

  • Bullying affects all youth, including those who are bullied, those who bully others, and those who witness bullying. The effects of bullying may continue into adulthood.
  • There is not a single profile of a young person involved in bullying. Youth who bully can be either well connected socially or marginalized, and may be bullied by others as well. Similarly, those who are bullied sometimes bully others.
  • Solutions to bullying are not simple. Bullying prevention approaches that show the most promise confront the problem from many angles. They involve the entire school community—students, families, administrators, teachers, and staff such as bus drivers, nurses, cafeteria and front office staff—in creating a culture of respect. Zero tolerance and expulsion are not effective approaches.
  • Bystanders, or those who see bullying, can make a huge difference when they intervene on behalf of someone being bullied.
  • Studies also have shown that adults can help prevent bullying by talking to children about bullying, encouraging them to do what they love, modeling kindness and respect, and seeking help.

Bullying Statistics

Here are federal statistics about bullying in the United States. Data sources include the Indicators of School Crime and Safety: 2019 (National Center for Education Statistics and Bureau of Justice) and the 2017 Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention).

How Common Is Bullying

  • About 20% of students ages 12-18 experienced bullying nationwide.
  • Students ages 12–18 who reported being bullied said they thought those who bullied them:
    • Had the ability to influence other students’ perception of them (56%).
    • Had more social influence (50%).
    • Were physically stronger or larger (40%).
    • Had more money (31%).

Bullying in Schools

  • Nationwide, 19% of students in grades 9–12 report being bullied on school property in the 12 months prior to the survey.
  • The following percentages of students ages 12-18 had experienced bullying in various places at school:
    • Hallway or stairwell (43. 4%)
    • Classroom (42.1%)
    • Cafeteria (26.8%)
    • Outside on school grounds (21.9%)
    • Online or text (15.3%)
    • Bathroom or locker room (12.1%)
    • Somewhere else in the school building (2.1%)
  • Approximately 46% of students ages 12-18 who were bullied during the school year notified an adult at school about the bullying.

Cyberbullying

  • Among students ages 12-18 who reported being bullied at school during the school year, 15 % were bullied online or by text.
  • An estimated 14.9% of high school students were electronically bullied in the 12 months prior to the survey.

Types of Bullying

  • Students ages 12-18  experienced  various types of bullying, including:
    • Being the subject of rumors or lies (13. 4%)
    • Being made fun of, called names, or insulted (13.0%)
    • Pushed, shoved, tripped, or spit on (5.3%)
    • Leaving out/exclusion (5.2%)
    • Threatened with harm (3.9%)
    • Others tried to make them do things they did not want to do (1.9%)
    • Property was destroyed on purpose (1.4%)

State and Local Statistics

Follow these links for state and local figures on the following topics:

  • Bullied on School Property, Grades 9-12
  • Cyberbullied, Grades 9-12

International Statistics

According to the UNESCO Institute of Statistics:

  • One third of the globe’s youth is bullied; this ranges from as low as 7% in Tajikistan to 74% in Samoa.
  • Low socioeconomic status is a main factor in youth bullying within wealthy countries.
  • Immigrant-born youth in wealthy countries are more likely to be bullied than locally-born youth.

Bullying and Suicide

The relationship between bullying and suicide is complex. The media should avoid oversimplifying these issues and insinuating or directly stating that bullying can cause suicide. The facts tell a different story. It is not accurate and potentially dangerous to present bullying as the “cause” or “reason” for a suicide, or to suggest that suicide is a natural response to bullying.

  • Research indicates that persistent bullying can lead to or worsen feelings of isolation, rejection, exclusion, and despair, as well as depression and anxiety, which can contribute to suicidal behavior.
  • The vast majority of young people who are bullied do not become suicidal.
  • Most young people who die by suicide have multiple risk factors.
  • For more information on the relationship between bullying and suicide, read “The Relationship Between Bullying and Suicide: What We Know and What it Means for Schools” from the CDC.

Anti-Bullying Laws

All states have anti-bullying legislation. When bullying is also harassment and happens in the school context, schools have a legal obligation to respond to it according to federal laws.

20 Subtle Signs of Bullying at Work

If you think workplace bullying doesn’t affect some of your employees, you're mistaken. One in four employees is affected by it. There is a misconception that bullying is overt. Rather, it’s often subtle, slow, and insidious mistreatment that passes over the radar screen.

Rarely can bullying be identified based on one action, but rather a pattern of actions over a long period of time. This is why it so often goes undetected in the workplace, and your employees could be suffering because of it.

Bullying Defined

The Workplace Bullying Institute defines bullying as “repeated, health-harming mistreatment of one or more persons (the targets) by one or more perpetrators that takes one or more of the following forms: verbal abuse, offensive conduct/behaviors (including nonverbal) which are threatening, humiliating, or intimidating; or work interference – sabotage – which prevents work from getting done.”

The primary issue with bullying is that the perpetrator desires to control the other person’s behavior, usually for his or her own needs, personal agenda, or self-serving motives. Bullies use a variety of subtle and sometimes not-so-subtle ways to control others emotionally, psychologically, and even physically.

Adept bullies and manipulators are often extremely controlling people who are attuned to certain personality traits to exploit others. They are skilled “people readers” and make it their task to understand someone’s flaws to determine what techniques can be used against them. Some even go a step further and mask their bullying behind a charming and nice demeanor and even a noble cause.

Subtle Signs of Bullying

Bullying often goes unnoticed in the workplace because it is a slow process of emotional and psychological manipulation that is hard to prove and detect. It is also not protected under law. Technically, bullying is not considered harassment, so legally, people can get away with doing it in the workplace if a policy isn’t in place.

Here are twenty (20) signs of bullying at work that you may be missing, but when a pattern emerges of multiple behaviors over a long period of time, can be a classic bullying situation. These subtle signs are all used to create an emotional reaction, usually anxiety, which establishes greater control and power over the victim.

  1. Deceit. Repeatedly lying, not telling the truth, concealing the truth, deceiving others to get one’s way, and creating false hopes with no plans to fulfill them
  2. Intimidation. Overt or veiled threats; fear-inducing communication and behavior
  3. Ignoring. Purposefully ignoring, avoiding, or not paying attention to someone; “forgetting” to invite someone to a meeting; selectively greeting or interacting with others besides a victim
  4. Isolation/exclusion. Intentionally excluding someone or making them feel socially or physically isolated from a group; purposefully excluding someone from decisions, conversations, and work-related events
  5. Rationalization. Constantly justifying or defending behavior or making excuses for acting in a particular manner
  6. Minimization. Minimizing, discounting, or failing to address someone’s legitimate concerns or feelings
  7. Diversion. Dodging issues, acting oblivious or playing dumb, changing the subject to distract away from the issue, canceling meetings, and avoiding people
  8. Shame and guilt. Making an employee constantly feel that they are the problem, shaming them for no real wrongdoing, or making them feel inadequate and unworthy
  9. Undermining work. Deliberately delaying and blocking an employee’s work, progress on a project or assignment, or success; repeated betrayal; promising them projects and then giving them to others; alternating supportive and undermining behavior
  10. Pitting employees against each other. Unnecessarily and deliberately pitting employees against one another to drive competition, create conflict, or establish winners and losers; encouraging employees to turn against one another
  11. Removal of responsibility. Removing someone’s responsibilities, changing their role, or replacing aspects of their job without cause
  12. Impossible or changing expectations. Setting nearly impossible expectations and work guidelines; changing those expectations to set up employees to fail
  13. Constant change and inconsistency. Constantly changing expectations, guidelines, and scope of assignments; constant inconsistency of word and action (e.g. not following through on things said)
  14. Mood swings. Frequently changing moods and emotions; sharp and sudden shifts in emotions
  15. Criticism. Constantly criticizing someone's work or behavior, usually for unwarranted reasons
  16. Withholding information. Intentionally withholding information from someone or giving them the wrong information
  17. Projection of blame. Shifting blame to others and using them as a scapegoat; not taking responsibility for problems or issues
  18. Taking credit. Taking or stealing credit for other people’s ideas and contributions without acknowledging them
  19. Seduction. Using excessive flattery and compliments to get people to trust them, lower their defenses, and be more responsive to manipulative behavior
  20. Creating a feeling of uselessness. Making an employee feel underused; intentionally rarely delegating or communicating with the employee about their work or progress; persistently giving employees unfavorable duties and responsibilities

Not-So-Subtle Signs of Bullying        

Bullying can also be more obvious. These signs tend to be more commonly associated with bullying.

  1. Aggression. Yelling or shouting at an employee; exhibiting anger or aggression verbally or non-verbally (e.g. pounding a desk)
  2. Intrusion. Tampering with someone’s personal belongings; intruding on someone by unnecessarily lurking around their desk; stalking, spying, or pestering someone
  3. Coercion. Aggressively forcing or persuading someone to say or do things against their will or better judgment
  4. Punishment. Undeservedly punishing an employee with physical discipline, psychologically through passive aggression, or emotionally through isolation
  5. Belittling. Persistently disparaging someone or their opinions, ideas, work, or personal circumstances in an undeserving manner
  6. Embarrassment. Embarrassing, degrading, or humiliating an employee publically in front of others
  7. Revenge. Acting vindictive towards someone; seeking unfair revenge when a mistake happens; retaliating against an employee
  8. Threats. Threatening unwarranted punishment, discipline, termination, and/or physical, emotional, or psychological abuse
  9. Offensive communication. Communicating offensively by using profanity, demeaning jokes, untrue rumors or gossip, or harassment
  10. Campaigning. Launching an overt or underhanded campaign to “oust” a person out of their job or the organization
  11. Blocking advancement or growth. Impeding an employee’s progression, growth, and/or advancement in the organization unfairly

Why Bullying is so Bad

Bullying and manipulation of this nature can affect our employees physically, emotionally, and psychologically. Employees may experience a great deal of distress as a result of their perpetrator’s behavior, which can manifest itself in frustration, anger, anxiety, insomnia, inability to concentrate, performance and productivity issues, and other physical and emotional symptoms. The treatment they experience also tends to influence their lives outside of work.

Oftentimes, employees don’t recognize bullying.

Some may feel a vague discomfort at work towards their perpetrator that they cannot recognize. Others may feel that they are on an emotional rollercoaster with the person. Some may sense that they are experiencing toxic, unfair, or disrespectful treatment at times, but can't understand why. Employees may dread or fear seeing the individual, not enjoy tasks or activities they liked before, and can even become physically ill from the stress of these actions.

What HR Needs to Do

Not everyone plays fair and nice at work, so unfortunately, you need to make sure you protect your employees from disrespectful and unfair treatment in the workplace. No employee deserves to feel uncomfortable at work. Here are some steps to take.

  • Create a policy. Devise a policy that protects employees from bullying behavior in the workplace. While the law doesn’t protect employees, you can.
  • Establish a code of conduct. Your organization should have a code of conduct in its employee handbook, which includes respectful behavior from all employees and sets the tone for a professional work environment.
  • Train managers.  Train everyone (particularly managers) on soft skills and specifically workplace bullying. Make sure they recognize the right and wrong ways to treat each other on the job. Likewise, teach managers constructive ways to drive behavior and results they want.
  • Monitor behavior. Monitor behavior throughout the workplace. When you notice signs of bullying or manipulation, address the situation directly with the person.
  • Watch controlling people. Some people who constantly talk about control and exert it should be watched closely. Most are harmless, just perfectionists trying to control results and work, but some people take control to a whole different (and harmful) level.
  • Have a confidential way for employees to report a bullying problem. Create a mechanism for employees to confidentially report bullying issues in the workplace without fear or retaliation.
  • Educate everyone on respect. Everyone in your workplace should be trained on and held accountable for respect. While it sounds like common sense, respect is unfortunately lacking in many workplaces.
  • Recognize employees’ distress. Look for confusion, frustration, discomfort, fear, overt emotional displays, and avoiding one’s boss, which are all signs that an employee is in distress at work and uncomfortable in their situation.
  • Don’t sweep complaints under the rug. Treat every complaint about bullying behavior seriously and fairly and investigate it. Your employees need someone to trust.
  • Document. Be sure to document any behavior incidents you hear about from employees or witness.  

“While bullying behavior is often difficult to recognize, investigate and address, the tangible and intangible costs to the employer (e.g., financial, interpersonal, productivity) can be huge.  And, left unaddressed, bullying concerns quickly can escalate.  Employers need to aggressively reinforce and consistently enforce their codes of conduct and standards of professionalism through training; empowering and requiring supervisors to proactively identify issues; on site monitoring of behavior; and prompt and thorough investigations into allegations of bullying and other misconduct,” says Meg Matejkovic, Employment Attorney and ERC Trainer.

If you are an individual or manager doing any of the above, either knowingly or unknowingly, it’s critical that you stop your actions. They are harmful and destructive. If you are the coworker of an individual experiencing mistreatment, question it and tell someone. Likewise, if you are in HR, it is imperative that you take bullying seriously and follow the guidance above to protect and help your employees who may be affected by manipulative and bullying behavior.

Our employees deserve to work in a respectful, fair, and comfortable work environment where others around them, particularly those of authority, aren’t trying to control them or manipulate their behavior. It’s all of our responsibilities to make sure they leave everyday, at a minimum, with their self-respect, dignity, and well-being intact and unscathed by our actions. If they aren’t, we’re not doing our jobs and we risk good employees eventually walking away when they realize they don't need to be treated this way anymore.

Bullying in the Workplace Training

This training covers the basics of professional behavior in the workplace.

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Muzhitskaya Tatyana Vladimirovna, Tatyana Muzhitskaya: Signs of the universe. 40 hooligan cards that will help you look into the future

SKU: p6044648

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About the product

The universe always answers if you ask it a question. True, sometimes quite abruptly. If you're the kind of person who isn't afraid to get an answer too straight forward, this deck is for you!

Made on the principle of metaphorical cards, a deck of hooligan cards by Tatyana Muzhitskaya can help you find a solution when you are in doubt about what to do next or whether you are on the right path. Tatyana collected these signs all over the country so that now you can relax and talk with the Universe. A graffiti on a wall, a t-shirt, a random advertising slogan, the Universe has many ways to give you a sign.

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Contents: 39 cards + instructions.

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:
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vestimentary signs of asociality in the space of a Soviet city, 1920s

Fashion and crime... Are there points of contact between these two seemingly non-intersecting cultural and everyday phenomena? In fact, both of these phenomena are in a state of struggle for the layman. For fashion, he is a consumer of the materialized fantasies of fashion designers, designers and manufacturers of clothing and footwear, and, consequently, an object of cultural and everyday subordination; for crime it is a direct source of enrichment and the goal of criminal violence. It is not surprising in this situation that the concepts of “fashion victim” and “crime victim” coexist. At the same time, both the fashion industry and the criminal environment primarily saturate the space of large cities with verbal and visual signs, as well as mental symbols of their power. Fashion pleases or irritates the sight and hearing of the city dweller with novelties in clothing, music, spectacles, and language. The underworld frightens, alarms and threatens the life, health and well-being of an ordinary person. Fashion breeds lust, crime breeds fear. These emotions are outwardly different, but the phenomena that gave rise to them often exchange methods of influencing the urban society. Thus, the characteristic features of the criminal subculture became fashionable elements of the appearance of respectable citizens, and some samples of the achievements of the industry, as well as real and pseudo-glamour, used criminal elements to mark their social status. A striking confirmation of this position is the so-called gangster style. In the publication "Fashion of the twentieth century: Encyclopedia" you can read the following definition: "the style common among American gangsters in New York, Chicago and Detroit in 1920–1930s G. s. - these are classic dark suits with narrow stripes, dark shirts with a light tie or white shirts with an unbuttoned collar without a tie, smart hats and patent leather narrow-toed shoes, gold jewelry, men's fur coats. Gangsters, mostly from Italian (in particular, Sicilian) families, loved to dress up and did it with a special chic. The style was borrowed by them from the top of secular society and business circles and reflected the ideas of mafia members about respectability and prosperity in business. From the business suits of that time G. s. distinguished mainly by a double-breasted jacket and some general casualness, which was perceived by the mafiosi as chic. This style is well known from Hollywood films, which created a romantic halo around H. s.” (Baldano 2002: 90–91). D. Ruth, author of a book on the role of gangsterism in American society, attributes the emergence of this phenomenon to the first and second decades of the 20th century (Ruth 1996). At this time, new features of the domestic criminal subculture were also forming in Russia, which found a vivid manifestation in the space of everyday life in Petrograd-Leningrad.

By the time the Bolsheviks came to power, the Russian criminal world had external characteristics that testify to a fully formed asocial community. Back in the 18th century, thieves "fenya" appeared, a specific slang for criminals. Urban criminal folklore also began to take shape, primarily songs whose heroes were thieves and prostitutes - certainly asocial, but bright figures on the streets of big cities. A system of visual signs was also formed, with the help of which the person's belonging to a criminal environment was marked. This applies primarily to tattoos. At the beginning of the 20th century, hooligans could be easily identified in the street crowd of the capital of the Russian Empire. They, according to the legal terminology of that time, committed crimes “against the order of government” (for more details, see: Ostroumov 1960). The bulk of the pre-revolutionary hooligans in St. Petersburg were not only lumpenized elements and residents of the capital's rooming houses, but also petty clerks, artisans, and cab drivers. These people marked themselves both with unbridled behavior and certain clothes. The Police Gazette wrote in 1910: “No decent hooligan will ever wear a long overcoat. He will always wear a short dandy jacket that does not reach the knees. The costume was developed by whole generations of a special breed of people, experts in their field ”(Police Bulletin. 1910. No. 45. S. 846).

Much has changed since the events of 1917. During the Civil War, there was a clear reduction in crimes qualified as a violation of public order. And this is quite natural. The “military-communist” order operated in the city, and an encroachment on it was fraught with very serious consequences. In addition, a contingent of individuals who, by their temperament, are prone to hooligan manifestations, partly sublimated their energy, both in revolutionary and counter-revolutionary activities. Disturbers of the peace, dressed in "smart jackets", disappeared from the city streets. The vestimentary signs of the appearance of representatives of the criminal environment in the short period of war communism began to be not of a representative status, but of a purely frightening character. Criminals actively used camouflage details of clothing when committing serious illegal acts.

Undoubtedly, the “work clothes” of the famous “jumping” gang that operated in Petrograd in 1918-1920 had a significant character. The reality of its existence is proved, in particular, by such a classic historical source as memoirs. Petersburger P. P. Bondarenko devoted a whole section of his memoirs about the life of Petrograd in the 1920s to the museum of criminalistics that existed at that time in the city and was popular with the townspeople, or, as it was more often called, the Museum of Criminal Investigation. The curious exposition of the cultural and educational institution in those years demonstrated, first of all, the ethnography of the underworld, and then the methods of combating it, that is, the work of the police and other law enforcement agencies. Bondarenko writes: “Everything seems to be like in an ordinary museum, a wide beautiful marble staircase leads to the second floor. And here is the first blow. On the platform in front of the door leading to the hall, there is a life-size ... "jumping". A dummy of the very famous jumper that went down in the history of our city ... A white hoodie to the toes, a pointed hood, like those of the Ku Klux Klan, burning eyes (electric bulbs are inserted into the dummy). It is like an "emblem of the museum" and a reminder of what lies ahead. Anxious, a little annoying. Gradually the anxiety builds up. Indeed, further on the visitor saw a showcase displaying “hundreds of razor blades”, “pistols: from pistols carved of wood and painted black, to real scarecrows: Brownings, Mausers, Colts, Parabellums” (Bondarenko 1993:122).

The weapon, of course, shocked the sightseers, but much less than the "suit" of the jumping gang. It is difficult to say whether this criminal group was the most cruel and successful in revolutionary Petrograd, but the external attributes used by bandits during robberies - special springs attached to boots, shrouds, peaked hoods - frightened and fascinated the townsfolk. K. I. Chukovsky in the book From Two to Five noted that his eight-year-old son Boris “having barely learned to write, composed a whole cycle of epics and then, with his inept, infantile handwriting, wrote them down in a notebook” (Chukovsky 1958:303). One of the boy's pseudo-folklore works, which appeared in 1919, was called "The Fight of Springs with Vaska Sapozhnikov." In the text, the child captured not the atrocities of the "springs", but the details of their costumes:

And the dead man comes out alone in a shroud,
And in a white luminous shroud (ibid.).

There is also information about robbers on springs in fiction written in the 1920s. In the autobiographical book of A. M. Remizov "Whirlwind Russia", first published in 1927, the cycle "Windows" includes a small essay called "Electrification". You can read there: “The “dead” appeared beyond the Nevskaya Zastava: hungry, they came out of the graves at night and in shrouds, shining with an electric eye, jumped along the roads and cleared the bags to death of frightened, belated passers-by making their way home. ” A little lower, the writer uses folklore style. He cites a ditty, either actually existing in the first half of the 1920s, or self-composed, but in any case expressive. It ends with quite optimistic lines:

... and the dead electric jumpers
- fear is outrageous! —
everyone was shot (Remizov 2000: 281–282).

Jumpers also appear on the pages of A. N. Tolstoy’s novel “1918”, published in 1928: “At dusk on the Field of Mars, two, taller than human, in fluttering shrouds, jumped on Dasha. They must have been the same "jumps" who, having tied special springs to their legs, frightened all of Petrograd in those fantastic times. They gnashed and whistled at Dasha. She fell. They tore off her coat and jumped across the Swan Bridge" (Tolstoy 1951:303–304). And, perhaps, the last writer - a contemporary of the phenomenon of the dead jumpers was K. K. Vaginov. Folklore reappears in his novel Harpagoniad (1933): urban ditties to the motif of the sailor song "Apple":

Eh, apple, on the windowsill,
In Leningrad, the dead were wound up alive.
They have springs on their legs,
And they have fire in their eyes,
Undress, comrade, a fur coat,
I'll take her with me (Vaginov 1983:120).

Both Remizov, and Tolstoy, and Vaginov are united in their desire to fix precisely the vestimentary signs of the famous gang, the catchy "outfit" of the jumpers. With its help, the demonstration function of the clothes of criminals was clearly demonized.

Spring-loaded robbers are a striking phenomenon of the urban street space of the Civil War era. But its existence turned out to be short-lived, although the scope of criminality increased markedly during the transition to NEP. At 19In the year 20, 16,806 offenses were registered in Petrograd, and in 1922 - already 26,710 (For eight years 1925: 92). The authorities sought to inform the townsfolk about the dangers that threaten them on the streets. The city newspapers of the first years of NEP were full of criminal chronicles. Petrogradskaya Pravda, for example, wrote in November 1922: “Among the broad masses, the idea is being created that after 12 pm it is impossible to go out into the street - they will undress. The thieves are on the lookout. The other day they posted an announcement: “Until 9 o’clock, your fur coat, and after - ours” ”(Petrogradskaya Pravda. 1922. November 5). Until the mid-1920s, according to the memoirs of old-timers on the corner of Nevsky and Sadovaya, photographs of those killed and suspected of crimes were regularly hung in a shop window for identification. But the latter no longer amazed the layman with some frightening clothing. On the contrary, representatives of the world of crime, unlike jumpers, sought to get lost in the street crowd, merge with the public in shops, markets, restaurants, and cultural and entertainment institutions. So, for example, did the famous St. Petersburg bandit Leonid Panteleev. Famous employees of the investigative and detective agencies of the first half of the 19th century recalled his talent for camouflage.20s. L. R. Sheinin, in the 1920s an investigator of the Leningrad Regional Court, and from 1935 to 1950 - an employee of the USSR Prosecutor's Office, in his book "Notes of the Investigator", included in the publication "Old Acquaintance", described "gangster youth and panache" Panteleeva: “. ..Most of all, he liked to appear in Nepman apartments on those evenings when the hostess’ name day was celebrated there, or a wedding, or the birth of a child was celebrated ... In such cases, Lenka always appeared in a tuxedo ...” (Sheinin 1959: 169). Police Commissioner I. V. Bodunov, a direct participant in the liquidation of the Panteleev gang, believed that the famous St. Petersburg raider was very different from ordinary bandits, “he did not drink, did not live that dirty, unworthy life that criminals usually lead, he loved one woman and was faithful to her" (Bodunov 1966:162). The talented detective could not fail to note the specific artistic abilities of the famous raider, the ability to present himself according to the situation. Going to rob a famous artist, Panteleev considered it necessary and tactically correct to come to the apartment of a servant of Melpomene with a huge basket of flowers. At the sight of her housekeeper without hesitation let the criminal into the apartment. Depicting the visit of the GPU workers to the housing of his other victim, Lenka not only showed a false identity, but also necessarily put on a leather jacket and a leather cap - a kind of uniform of the workers of the punitive bodies of those years (ibid.: 170). In other words, the main bandit of Leningrad of the era of 19In the 1920s, with the help of details of clothing, appearance, he rather masked, rather than demonstrated his belonging to the criminal community.

Bodunov noticed this feature of the behavior of criminals when describing the actions of the lesser-known, but bloody gang "Black Ravens", which hunted in Leningrad in 1923-1924, after the death of Panteleev. In the first years of the NEP, good quality fur clothing again became part of the vestimentary code of well-being. During the period of war communism, fur coats were forced to be worn both “to the feast and to the world” by representatives of the former propertied classes who did not have time to emigrate. English journalist A. Ranson, who visited 1919 in Petrograd, wrote: “It is striking ... a general lack of new clothes ... I saw one young woman in a well-preserved, apparently expensive fur coat, and under it she could see straw shoes with linen frills” (Petrograd at the turn epochs 2000: 68). Fur at this time primarily served for the practical purposes of warming the citizens of Soviet Russia. Peaceful life and the emergence of the NEP bourgeoisie revived the former significance and material value of fur coats. Women in chic furs appeared on the streets of Petrograd, and thieves specializing in stealing fur coats began to work actively in the theaters and restaurants of the city. Bodunov described the history of such a gang in his memoirs: “... Ladyga and Klimov were walking along Nevsky Prospect. The day was frosty and sunny, and walkers were pouring in crowds along the avenue. Ladyga and Klimov walked separately ... Each of them was looking for a lonely and expensive fur coat in the crowd. Unfortunately, good furs usually did not walk alone. Seals, scribbles, chinchillas walked surrounded by smart gentlemen and were completely inaccessible to acquaintance. Still, at the corner of Sadovaya, Klimov noticed a lone astrakhan fur coming out of the TEZHE barbershop ... Klimov behaved like a serious gentleman. He is her (girl. - N. L. ) invited not to a restaurant, not to a dance, but to the Mariinsky Theater ... ”Further, with the help of an accomplice, the attacker simply received a new astrakhan fur coat by number, which was successfully sold to a furrier friend. After a while, history repeated itself at the Alexandrinsky Theatre. This time, the offender invited the new victim, the owner of the fur coat, to watch A. V. Lunacharsky’s play “Poison”, which was fashionable at that time, where the actress E. M. Wolf-Israel shone in the title role. Then the scene of the crime with the fur coat became the Mikhailovsky Theater (Bodunov 1966:246, 248). In all cases, the respectable appearance of the robber ensured the success of the case. Bodunov noted: “Klimov was well dressed and made a solid impression ...”, he was wearing “a fashionable coat resembling an Etruscan vase in shape”, “it would never ... have occurred to me that this smartly dressed, calm young man was a bandit ... on he had beige leggings on his feet... his overcoat was obviously foreign, very spacious...” (ibid.: 246, 248, 295). The decency of appearance helped the representatives of the criminal community to disguise their delinquent intentions. Moreover, under the influence of stories about well-dressed raiders, the average person in St. Petersburg got the impression that they were mainly robbing and killing representatives of the new, Nepman bourgeoisie, into whose midst an unfashionable and poorly dressed person could not penetrate.

Indeed, relatively wealthy citizens were the first to be subjected to thefts and robberies. It is no coincidence that in the urban oral mythology of the first half of the 1920s, the legend of noble robbers circulated. This genre is not new to folklore, but its Soviet connotation deserves attention. The main Petersburg Robin Hood of the NEP era was, of course, Lenka Panteleev. At the same time, almost every district of the city at that time had its own, most often fictional defender of the poor from among the criminals. There were stories in Kolomna about a certain Mota Bespal, "the king of the Skopsky Palace" - an ownerless building where, according to the police, homeless and criminal elements lived. Motya, according to the legend, the content of which was written in his memoirs by the St. Petersburg poet V.S. Shefner, “did not cause harm to the Soviet authorities, but robbed only the bourgeoisie, but left gifts to the poor with notes:“ Where God cannot, Motya will help there ”” (Shefner 1976:91). On Vasilyevsky Island, allegedly, Count Panelny lived, always a well-dressed aristocratic criminal who did not allow himself to steal from the proletarians. He lived in the "motor yard" - a building on one of the wastelands of the island - with his bride, according to rumors, the rare beauty Nyusya Gopnitsa, always dressed up in the latest fashion. Imaginary respectability touched the layman and even reconciled him with representatives of the criminal environment. A kind of "civil peace" was largely a consequence of the housing policy of the Soviet government. The system of class settlement of the inhabitants of the capital of the Russian Empire as a result of the "housing redistribution" collapsed. Early 19In the 1920s, a former homeowner, a worker, a researcher, and a representative of the underworld could live in the same house, and often in an apartment. Chukovsky wrote in his diary on May 5, 1924: “I was struck that in their (the writer’s relatives. - N. L.) house there lives a whole colony of raiders on the lower floor, which is known to the whole house precisely in this rank ... They say that in the sixth issue another company of raiders lives in the same house, those with murders, and the lower ones without. No one informs on raiders, since now the whole house is insured against raids" (Chukovsky 1991:271).

The bandits did not advertise their asociality and did not mark it with the help of special vestimentary signs. Petty thieves behaved differently, primarily from among the homeless. In the first half of the 1920s, minors, who lost both their family and housing as a result of the social cataclysms of the revolution and the Civil War, accounted for almost 80% of those arrested for theft on the streets (Rabochy Court. 1924. No. 3. P. 4). Juvenile delinquency in the country after the October coup has increased dramatically. If at 19Between 13 and 1916, about 9 thousand cases were initiated in Petrograd against minors, then in 1919-1922 - almost 23 thousand (Young Proletarian. 1924. No. 3. P. 35; Weekly Soviet Justice. 1923. No. 9. P. 659). Homeless children most often lived in abandoned houses on the outskirts of Petrograd, in the area of ​​​​the Smolenka River on Vasilyevsky Island, Rasstannaya Street, in Kolomna, etc. But they hunted in city markets, at railway stations and on Nevsky. Here, in the years of the NEP, there were already many well-dressed idly people and even foreigners. Everyone was shocked and frightened by the appearance of dirty and unceremonious teenagers. Of course, the “exotic” clothes of street boys were a consequence of their way of life, but often they served not only for warming, but also acted as a deliberate sign of asociality, a marker of belonging to a certain community, and even a means of successfully implementing a criminal plan. Popular in mid 19In the 1920s there was an anecdote not without reality about a homeless child in a tattered fur jacket chasing a well-dressed man. The little boy, dancing in the cold, muttered plaintively: "Take off your fur coat," and with tears showed his fur, too, but shabby and leaky clothes. A little later, a “respectable” person appeared from the gateway and said sternly: “Well, take off your fur coat, why are you torturing you for nothing” (for more details, see: Shchegolev 2009: 251–252).

But not only homeless children have become a characteristic detail of everyday life in the city of the NEP era. mid 19In the 1920s, an inhabitant encountered a new Soviet hooligan. From 1923 to 1926, the number of those sentenced to various terms of imprisonment for violating public order in Leningrad increased more than 10 times, and the proportion of hooligans in the total number of convicts increased from 2 to 17%. Criminologists of the 1920s noted that “... hooligans are mainly worker-peasant youth aged 18 to 25 and, mainly on the basis of social promiscuity, expressed in gross primitiveness of interests, in the absence of cultural demands and social attitudes, in extremely low educational level” (Law and Life. 1927. No. 2, pp. 49–50). Of course, not all young people of proletarian origin were prone to illegal acts. Even during the NEP years, lawyers spoke of hooliganism "... as a combination of cultural, social and economic factors with biopsychological factors ..." (Hooliganism and stabbing. M., 1927, p. 75). But the working environment turned out to be the most favorable for the development of hooliganism, in particular due to the cultivation, at the initiative of the authorities, of a feeling of proletarian swagger. I had to admit this in an interview with the magazine "Young Guard" at 1926, the well-known leader of the Bolshevik Party A. A. Solts. He believed that the modern hooligan is “a representative of the peasant and working youth, who understood his transition from the class of the oppressed to the ruling class only as the endowment of certain rights without duties” (Molodaya Gvardiya. 1926. No. 11. P. 212). The inflated feeling of proletarian superiority was often expressed in the form of "specialism" - persecution at the enterprises of craftsmen and engineers from the "former". Leningrad turned out to be the birthplace of the famous "Bykovshchina". Summer 1928 years in "Leningradskaya Pravda" appeared a special column called "Worker and Master." In the articles published on the pages of the main city newspaper, the morals of the "old craftsmanship and engineers" were castigated. And on November 3, 1928, at the Skorokhod factory, worker Bykov, out of hooligan motives, tried to kill the master.

Factory hooligans were annoyed by the appearance of some "specialists", who often wore pre-revolutionary engineering uniforms. The proletarian youth saw “non-Soviet content” both in a cap with profession badges—a “hammer with an adjustable wrench”—and in a long overcoat with green piping and two rows of shiny buttons (for more details, see: Granin 1986:77). And here the influence of imperious initiatives affected. In the spring of 1928, at the next congress of the section of engineers at the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions, uniforms for specialists were officially banned. The leadership of the trade unions believed that a real engineer does not need a uniform, he should be decorated with deeds. The satirical persecution of old engineers was launched in 1928-1929 on its pages by the journal Engineering Labor. Lively articles were accompanied by cartoons. There was even a special term - "form-bearing engineer". It was, judging by the drawings, a swollen, blind-sighted man who, as they wrote in the magazine, sat "dozens of chairs in his lifetime, wiped a lot of trousers, but built nothing, created nothing, except for his own fat belly and several children" (quoted by: Schattenberg 2000: 19eight). The uniform of engineers has become the identification mark of a non-party worthless "specialist" who interferes with the construction of a new society. In conditions of commodity shortages, people tried to somehow use the old uniforms, sewn, as a rule, from good, even pre-revolutionary fabric. They plucked insignia and conspicuous buttons, shortened their long-brimmed overcoats, but this uncomplicated camouflage did not help. Factory youth saw in the appearance of the "former" vestimentary signs of social protest and often reacted violently to this supposedly hostile message. Most often, such a "clothing" allergy manifested itself on the streets.

Since the events of 1917, the proletarian youth have seen open urban spaces as a stage for demonstrating their social and cultural priorities. Such was the style of public life in the first years of the revolution. The territory of the city became a place for the presentation of new forms of art and political intransigence. With the same ecstasy of reckless youth, young people participated with pleasure in the public celebrations of the revolution and the pogroms of cultural monuments of the past. Noisy actions of "apartment redistribution" and seizure of church valuables at 19The 18th - early 1922 allowed to realize the rebellious instincts of youth. After the end of the Civil War, many young people began to feel a sense of longing for the times of food detachments and expropriation. Destructive energy began to be realized in hooligan antics.

The growth of excesses and debauchery of young people was also provoked by a specific “culturological clue”, traditional proletarian everyday practices. They were associated with the atmosphere of the former settlements, surrounding villages and their specific forms of leisure, often of a semi-communal nature. These include, for example, a fist fight, typical of the Russian village as a kind of expression of a ritual male union. A prominent researcher of the historical and ethnographic context of Russian youth subcultures, T. A. Bernshtam, emphasized that even at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries fistfight was a major community event, while “the ritual and symbolism of the battle are obvious: there are no social reasons for a fight, they fight not out of malice …” (Bernshtam 1988:93, 95). At the beginning of the 20th century, this traditionally communal, rural form of leisure also existed in the space of the St. Petersburg working outskirts. Evidence of fisticuffs is present in many memoirs. People's Artist of the USSR K. V. Skorobogatov recalled the fierce fistfights between the workers of the Alexander and Porcelain factories on holidays. Veterans of the Krasny Vyborzhets plant told that on the Vyborg side, “on holidays, workers and artisans set up a ‘wall’ against the villagers” (for more details, see: Gorbunov 1994:27, 28).

After the revolution, in connection with the "apartment redistribution", part of the workers moved to the city center, and fistfighting also moved there, which began to be ugly and illegal. In the first half of the 1920s, this custom spread so widely in Petrograd that the provincial committee of the Bolshevik Party - the highest ideological authority in the city - in February 1923 was forced to make a special decision "on the eradication of fisticuffs" (TsGA IPD 16: 20). In addition to the traditional mass fist-fights “wall to wall”, the proletarian youth also excelled in various other tricks that interfered with the peace of the citizens. Youth hooligan gangs raided clubs, smashed holiday homes on the famous St. Petersburg Islands, threw hats, sticks, stones at aircraft at Aviahim parades on May Day holidays (TsGA IPD 4000: 35). At 19Between 24 and 1926, a group of hooligans literally occupied a small cinema at the corner of Ligovka and Obvodny Canal. Eyewitnesses recalled: “If you didn’t like the film, then rotten apples flew at the screen, a noise arose, and abuse was heard” (Bondarenko 1993: 118).

However, at first, the "new hooligan" caused some emotion in the Soviet authorities. This was partly a consequence of the inherent sympathy of the Russian intelligentsia with criminals as victims of social injustice. Archpriest Alexy Trifilyev, being a prisoner of the Solovetsky camp, wrote at 1924: “We, Russian people, ‘Dostoevsky’s children’, understand the soul of criminal punks, root for her” (SLON 1924: 46). Not the last role in the complacent attitude towards hooliganism was played by the magic of classifying this type of criminal manifestations in Tsarist Russia as “crimes against the order of government”. In 1926, the prominent Bolshevik Solts declared that "the former Gorky hooligan did not respect those foundations that we (Bolsheviks. - N. L. ) do not respect", and therefore deserved a "good-natured" and "soft attitude" (Young guard 1926:211). And in real life, representatives of the authorities - the police - in the mid-1920s treated the antics of hooligans rather condescendingly. In 1924, the head of the administrative department of the Leningrad provincial executive committee recommended by order “when bringing to justice those seen in hooliganism, a class approach should be carried out ...” (quoted from: Affairs and people of the Leningrad police. L., 1967. P. 137).

The new hooliganism was regarded by some party leaders as a form of protest by the proletarian youth against the NEP bourgeoisie. In fact, a criminal stratum was growing in the working environment, which already had signs of a subculture. And first of all, this was manifested in the special vestimentary details of the appearance of young hooligans. The presence of a Finnish knife, the famous "Finnish", was considered prestigious among them. Even quite decent young people did not escape the temptation to have this object. Shefner, whose youth coincided with 19In the 20s, he recalled: “... This hooligan weapon was then sold quite openly. I bought my Finn at a hardware store on Maly Prospekt; household knives, stoves, kitchen utensils and kerosene were also sold there. My finca rested in a sheath, decorated at the end with a lead ball. I wore it on a trouser belt, under a jacket. Of course, he went to school without a weapon. But in the evenings ... each of us was at the knife. It is unlikely that even if we got into a fight, we would use this weapon. However, they wore it. Such was the secret youth fashion then—to look like hooligans” (Shefner 1999:46). V.V. Veresaev wrote about the finca as an indispensable attribute of the hooligan look of the young workers of the 1920s in the novel “Sisters” (1928–1931). Idle wandering around the streets, boorish harassment of passers-by, as a rule, ended in a fight not only with fists, but also with the use of knives: “Yurka fought off two who were pressing on him with a light run of an athlete, when Spirka ran up from the darkness with a light run of an athlete and crashed into the thick . He punched one in the ear, knocked the other down with a strong blow to the chin. Four was eight. Spirka spun and rapturously beat (attackers. - N. L. )… tough. One of them, his face covered in blood, suddenly pulled out a Finnish knife from behind his trousers and swung at Spira. Spirka rushed under the raised knife and with a terrible swing hit the guy with his knee between the legs. He howled and, dropping the knife, grabbed his lower abdomen. Spirka quickly picked up the Finn.

- Ah, dogs! You're like this!
And he rushed at them with a knife” (Veresaev 1990: 240).

In the arsenal of "petty-criminal mods" there were also specific headgear. These were either ordinary caps worn in a special way - “on the backs of the heads, visors to the sky”, or “midshipman” caps with long visors (ibid.: 238; Shefner 1999:46). The latter, according to Shefner's memoirs, were considered an expensive thing, “they were produced by some kind of semi-secret handicraft artel, they cost a lot of money; they were bought by wealthy representatives of the Havana punks” [1]. It is curious that the social control organizations caught the hidden meaning of the "midshipman" as a vestimentary marker of its owner's belonging to the world of crime. The same Shefner noted: "... There was a rumor that as soon as the Miltons saw a man in such a 'midshipman', they immediately dragged him to the police'" (Shefner 1999:46). But even more expressive in terms of demonstrating the asociality of its owner was the clothes of a hooligan who adopted a peculiar sailor style. It is described in Bondarenko's memoirs: “This brethren wore wide flared trousers, and even cleaner than those of the sailors. From the outside of the leg, from below, an incision was made, into which a wedge of black velvet was sewn. On the head there was usually a so-called Finnish hat with ribbons untied and dangling like ribbons from a peakless cap. All this magnificence was complemented by a jacket resembling a marine pea coat” (Bondarenko 1993:117).

This style of appearance was especially zealously followed by the hooligans of the city on the Neva. In this large port, there have always been special traditions of behavior on the streets of representatives of naval officers and ordinary sailors. Initially, it seemed to many party and Komsomol leaders that, by dressing in this way, young people protested against the “Nepman chic” and demonstrated a commitment to serving the ascetic ideals of the revolution. Indeed, after the end of the Civil War, many young people had a feeling of longing for the days of the "revolutionary onslaught", food detachments and noisy expropriations. Judging by the letter sent at the beginning of 1927 years in "Komsomolskaya Pravda", part of the working youth ". .. missed war communism and went to wield Finnish" (Komsomolskaya Pravda. 1927. January 12). In fact, the new hooligan revived the features of the “sailors-pincers” subculture that originated in the 1880s and was of a semi-criminal nature. Both memoirists and writers - contemporaries of the 1920s - recorded with curiosity the details of the external appearance of the "claw". First of all, these are “pants with huge bells”, mother-of-pearl buttons often sewn on them, vests torn on the chest to demonstrate a tattoo (Bunin 2004: 9four; Bonch-Bruevich 1957: 260–261; Paustovsky 1957: 762). These vestimentary characteristics of the marginal part of the rank and file of the pre-revolutionary fleet under the conditions of the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat were brought to the point of absurdity and, moreover, politicized. In the sailor folklore of the mid-1920s, the songs “Klesh” and “Kronstadt Tango” were popular, where the following words were found:

Ah, wide flare -
It has a deep meaning. ..
Or:
Our wide flare - the banner of the commune -
Fire burns like a flame
(cited in: Bocharov 2017: 430).

Such a wild cocktail appealed to the mores of the underclass part of the young workers. However, the change in the political course in the country did not contribute to the development of "hooligan fashion". In the late 1920s, the Bolsheviks abandoned the illusions of romanticizing "naughty men" in vests and bell-bottoms and realized the danger of their "entertainment". Since January 1927, the authorities, frightened by the events in the Leningrad Chubarovsky Lane [2], began to firmly eradicate hooliganism. In Leningrad, workers' squads appeared at many enterprises of the city; at Krasny Putilovets, the combatants were even given weapons. Raids through the streets of the city had their effect - in Leningrad it became noticeably calmer. And, most importantly, "pseudo-brothers" disappeared from its streets. The appearance of the violator of the Soviet public order has changed. Contemporaries wrote about a bully at the turn of the 19th20-1930s: “This is a person by a person, most often even“ his boyfriend ”. With a work number and a professional card in your pocket. His halo is booze, mate, scandal, scuffle. His realm is a pub, a boulevard, a club, a movie theater. It is he who is the king of the outskirts, a thunderstorm of dark alleys ”(Krasnaya Niva. 1928. No. 3. P. 15). The hooligans of the first five-year plans were not dressed in memorable clothes, but they posed the same real danger to the city dweller as the pseudo-claws.

The “proletarian gangster style” that really existed in Soviet Russia in the 1920s, of course, could not compete with the phenomenon of criminal fashion in the United States. Its elements, initially demonstrating a pronounced asociality, have taken root in the real world of things of an often decent layman and have even become details of a fashionable wardrobe. And yet the fact of the presence in the Soviet urban space of 19The 1920s of a special style that marked the representatives of the world of large-scale, recidivist and petty domestic crime is undoubtedly of cultural interest.

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