Reflection journal examples

Under the conditions of real multipolarity, the very raising of the issue of military control of remote territories, not to mention military interventions in the interests of containing other centers of power, causes active rejection and opposition. The risks of unforeseen consequences of armed actions are multiplied by the fact that the very nature of power politics is changing, the line between military and non-military means of its conduct is blurred. Shaking the balance at the global level doubles the readiness of regional players to pursue their interests by any available means, sometimes quite opportunistically. At the initiative of the United States, the mechanisms for arms control and the maintenance of strategic stability created by the labors of generations of negotiators are being dismantled. At the doctrinal level, the Americans have lowered the threshold for the use of nuclear weapons. These and other worrisome moments once again bring back to the field of view of military planners the most dangerous scenarios of a clash of nuclear powers, fraught with catastrophic consequences. nine0003

Another scientific and technological revolution is the driving force behind deep, hard-to-calculate transformations in the social, economic and political picture of the world. The emerging technological order is based on advanced information and communication, energy, biomedical and nanotechnologies, elements of artificial intelligence. Ensuring technological sovereignty is a strategic task for any serious state that claims an independent role in the onset of a highly competitive era. Establishing ethical standards for the use of emerging technologies, developing rules for the responsible behavior of states, adapting management structures in the field of information security, healthcare, ecology and climate are turning into major “long-playing” topics on the diplomatic agenda. nine0003

Shifting external balances, increased conflict in the international environment encourage countries to seek internal reserves, turn to the foundation of their history and culture. As if “on the contrary”, the promotion of the neoliberal value agenda by the Western globalist class (human rights, gender, legalization, bioethics, transhumanism, etc.) also works for this. As a natural human reaction to such decadent manifestations, the influence of the cultural and civilizational factor is steadily increasing . By the way, the Ukrainian crisis reflected a new reality like a drop of water: with a few exceptions, representatives of all civilizational communities of the East and South, including the Arab-Muslim world, African and Latin American civilizations, the ASEAN community, perceive the anti-Russian sanctions campaign of the Western minority as a clear relapse of neo-colonial thinking.

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Comprehension of global trends, of which our country is also a part, helps to determine the vectors of foreign policy efforts. And here it is important to understand that the diplomacy of such a state as Russia cannot but be successive. Like the next powerful ocean cruiser set on its course, sharp turns are not peculiar to it and are contraindicated. nine0003

The development of the conceptual base of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation proceeded in stages, the thought process never stopped. The strategic documents approved by the country's leadership in 1993, 2000, 2008, 2013 and 2016 serve as peculiar milestones on this already rather long path.

Contrary to popular misconception, many of the ideological constructions inherent in the Russian diplomatic school today were by no means born in recent years or months. An instinctively correct understanding of national interests was always present, even in the naive-romantic nineties with their reckless rejection of the Soviet legacy in all forms, including the unique experience of managing interstate confrontation and practical developments in cooperation with the developing world. nine0003

Suffice it to say that as early as "Basic Provisions of the Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation" of 1993 , the thesis is carried out that relations in the post-bipolar era should be based on the principles of polycentrism. At the same time, the special importance of Russian interests in the immediate geopolitical environment was recorded through the prism of "preventing disintegration processes in the former USSR." Along with the ambitious task of bringing interaction with Washington to the level of strategic partnership, the goal was set to counteract US attempts to become the only superpower. The latter is a worldview moment, indicating the rejection of the authoritarian, hegemonic system of international relations, which only strengthened in subsequent years. nine0003

The trend of US economic and military dominance is recorded in Foreign Policy Concept approved by President Vladimir Putin in 2000 as an unacceptable development of events. Therefore, the democratization of international relations, the formation of a UN-centric model based on the mechanisms of collegiality and the rule of international law, was formulated as a priority task for Russian diplomacy. Cooperation between Russia and China is presciently named as one of the pillars of global stability. Thus, a systematic foundation was made for the future of Russian-Chinese relations of comprehensive partnership and strategic interaction. nine0003

In the updated version of the Concept, approved by President D.A. A long-term trend is outlined, which has been fully revealed in recent years: losing its position as a world leader and the main beneficiary of globalization, the West has set a course to contain Russia. Our country was not looking for confrontation: the document included the thesis that equal cooperation in the Russia-EU-US "triangle" would help strengthen the stability of the Euro-Atlantic region. nine0003

Five years later, in the revision of the 2013 Concept , the task of promoting the development of the national economy and its transfer to innovative tracks is more clearly stated. The need for a wide use of the mechanisms for forming a positive image of Russia, its domestic and foreign policy in world public opinion is emphasized.

The current version of Concept , approved by President V.V. Putin in 2016 , fixes the life-tested principles of foreign policy: independence, multi-vector approach, pragmatism, openness, striving to solve all problems by political and diplomatic means in compliance with international law . The document was formed under the influence of serious changes that took place in international relations in the context of the Ukrainian crisis of 2014-2015. and political turmoil in the Middle East and North Africa. It is noted that the progress towards a multipolar world order is not a conflict, accompanied by an aggravation of global and regional contradictions, interstate competition, and an increase in the role of the factor of force in world politics. The idea that the desire of the West to hold its positions is realized through the containment of alternative centers of power, including the diverse pressure of the United States, NATO and the European Union on our country, was further developed. Nevertheless, Russia's orientation towards the formation of a common space of peace, security and stability in the Euro-Atlantic region, building pragmatic mutually beneficial relations with the United States, taking into account the special responsibility of the two states for global strategic stability and the state of international security, was reconfirmed. The most important innovation: the reconfiguration of priorities in the Eurasian space, taking into account the creation of the EAEU and with an eye to building an open economic partnership on its basis, also covering the SCO and ASEAN countries. In a positive light, Russia's participation in such multilateral formats as the G20, BRICS and RIC (Russia-India-China) is noted. nine0003

These are, by and large, the main elements of the ideological baggage that we have, this is how the virtual starting point for further work on the conceptual framework of Russian foreign policy in the new conditions looks like.

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The multidimensional process of editing a new version of the Foreign Policy Concept with the involvement of interested authorities and the expert community was launched back in 2021. The main outlines of the document were considered at an operational meeting of the Russian Security Council in January of this year. They are being finalized taking into account the development of the international situation. Here I would like to dwell on some key aspects of our analysis. nine0003

Regardless of the duration and outcome of the NWO, it can already be stated that the thirty-year era of generally constructive, although not problematic cooperation with the West has irrevocably ended . The current situation provides a unique opportunity for the final liberation from residual illusions and the withdrawal of Russia from the framework of the “friendly takeover” paradigm, reproduced from time to time by Western colleagues after 1992. It is clear that a return to the situation before February 24 in relations with the countries of North America and Europe is not will. nine0003

By the way, the West's hostility towards us is nothing new. Even during the Crimean War (1854-1856), the British poet Lord A. Tennyson openly said that he hated Russians and Russia. The German Kaiser Wilhelm (1888-1918) wrote in his memoirs: “I can't help myself. I know it's not Christian, but I hate the Slavs."[9] That is, Russophobia is not something marginal. It is a virus that sits deep in the minds of the intellectual and political elite.

A number of domestic experts argue that the current quarrel over Ukraine puts an end to the entire historical era of Russia's rapprochement with Europe, begun by Peter the Great, and today "we reserve the "Petrine" page of our history"[10]. We can agree with this, but only in part. I would not confidently speak about the pre-Petrine closeness of Moscow from the West. There are many arguments in favor of the opposite - from the foreign trade and cultural interaction of Veliky Novgorod with the cities of the Hanseatic League and the marriage of Ivan III with Sophia Paleolog approved in the Vatican to the offensive policy of Ivan IV in the western direction. Rather, it makes sense to talk about the introduction of "Westernism" by Peter the Great into the self-consciousness of the ruling layer in Russia, creating a reserve for its worldview delimitation from the masses. As political scientists rightly point out, “since the time of Peter the Great, Russian elites have looked to the West, adopted Western fashion and behavior, introduced Western institutions, borrowed Western philosophies, sought to enter the great European powers; then, during the Soviet era, to become a global superpower, and in a later period, a key component of a larger Europe from Lisbon to Vladivostok. This is a rut that is hard to get out of.”[11]. The irrational equal sign between “Western” and “progressive”, “Western” and “attractive” at different stages of Russian history, which has really taken root since those times, to a greater or lesser extent predetermined the vectors of development in domestic and foreign policy. Today, this approach is no longer relevant. We have changed, and so has the rest of the world. nine0003

Russia has entered an acute phase of confrontation with an aggressive alliance of unfriendly states led by the United States. The goal of the enemy is to inflict a strategic defeat on our country, eliminating it as a geopolitical competitor. It must be understood that in the face of the Russophobic collective West, we have a dangerous, motivated and - despite the gradual and irreversible weakening of the aggregate power - still a strong rival, who has an advanced military-technical potential and controls a significant part of global markets, financial resources, logistics chains and information flows. nine0003

For some of us, this reversal came as an unpleasant surprise, and this is understandable. Strategies for convergence, embedding, dialogue, and common spaces have figured prominently in planning for many years. However, at “hour X” it turned out that the hostile NATO bloc was developing territories adjacent to the vital regions of central Russia (the Baltic states, Ukraine), and the European Union was spreading its neo-colonial influence throughout Eastern Europe, Transcaucasia and Central Asia, regardless of the integration associations existing there (EAEU and CIS). It is clear that this reality is the result of many years of arrogant ignorance of Russia's honest attempts to negotiate with the West on the rules of coexistence, and it can no longer be tolerated. nine0003

Constructive interaction with all neighbors, including those in the Euro-Atlantic area, certainly meets Russia's interests. This goal must be striven for. But not at the cost of unilateral concessions, especially concessions to those who openly declare Russia the main threat, as stated in the NATO Strategic Concept adopted at the end of June 2022 at the Madrid summit. In such conditions, cooperation with unfriendly states is possible only on a one-time, transactional basis - it can be carried out only where it is beneficial for Russia and where there is no acceptable alternative. nine0003

The argument that a quarrel with Europe is beneficial to the Anglo-Saxons is only partly true, to the extent that Atlanticist politicians remain at the helm of key European states. The internal transformations of European societies and socio-economic systems will not necessarily conserve the existing political alignment. Europe's desire for strategic autonomy is still strong, and nationally oriented parties and movements are growing in popularity. The practical challenge for Russia is to offer Europe a formula for future cooperation that, on the one hand, would support the autonomist aspirations of the Europeans, and, on the other hand, would guarantee that there would be no threats to the security of our country in any area (military, economic, etc.) technological, cultural and humanitarian, etc. ). nine0003

The aggravation of contradictions between the major powers could not but affect multilateral diplomacy . It turned out that in the absence of the will to honest dialogue, organizations and discussion clubs created in the best of times quickly lose their role as negotiating platforms and turn into an arena of propaganda battles.

Actually, this trend has been gaining momentum for more than one year. The United States has blocked the WTO Dispute Settlement Body, for many years it has not been possible to agree on a joint political declaration by the Foreign Ministers of the OSCE countries, and there are other examples. After the start of the NWO, the Westerners set out to excommunicate Russia from participation in global and regional structures - from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Tourism Organization to the Council of the Baltic Sea States. There is no need to talk about the ugly situation in the field of international sports, disfiguring the "all-weather" meaning of the Olympic movement. nine0003

The concept of the "rules-based order" with its various partnerships, coalitions and "appeals" is aimed at undermining the central coordinating role of the UN, with its functions duplicating the terms of reference of the specialized agencies and institutions of the World Organization. The Westerners actually “privatized” the executive structures, including the UN Secretariat, the offices of special envoys and special representatives of the Secretary General, both country and functional, by saturating them with their “proven” personnel (this also applies to neo-UN mechanisms, such as, for example, the Technical Secretariat of the Organization for the prohibition of chemical weapons). nine0003

The saddest thing is that the rust is undermining the "holy of holies" of the UN system - the Security Council. The meaning of the right of veto, which the founding fathers endowed to the permanent members of the Security Council with one single purpose, is devalued: to prevent the interests of any of the great powers from being infringed, and thus save the world from a direct clash between them, which in the nuclear age is fraught with catastrophic consequences. consequences. One of the symptoms of the disease is the refusal of the “Western three” to work with Russia and China on the practical implementation of the initiative to convene a summit of the leaders of the “five” countries of the UN Security Council, put forward by President Vladimir Putin in January 2020. But the very idea of ​​such a meeting is aimed at finding points of contact on the most explosive problems of our time, as well as on the reaffirmation of the fundamental principles of international communication, first of all, the basic - "Westphalian" - the principle of sovereign equality of states. nine0003

There are no simple recipes for correcting the situation here. Clearly, more conscious effort and imagination is needed when it comes to UN reform. The Security Council needs to be democratized, first of all, by expanding the representation of African, Asian and Latin American countries. Apparently, the time has come to ask the question to what extent the working agenda of the UN is consonant with the interests of the majority of members of the world community. For many of them, access to cheap energy sources (rather than the transition to "green" technologies), socio-economic development (rather than human rights in the ultra-liberal reading), security and sovereign equality (rather than the artificial imposition of electoral democracy according to Western patterns). Finally, the topic of completing the process of decolonization and ending the neo-colonial practices of the development of natural resources of developing countries by transnational corporations becomes topical again. nine0003

Whatever the fate of the UN, the WTO, the IMF, the World Bank, the G20 and other universally inclusive associations (Russia has played and is playing a constructive role in them), the divisive policy of the West makes it an absolute imperative for the coming years the formation of a new infrastructure international relations in the political, economic, trade, monetary and financial, cultural and humanitarian spheres, as well as in the field of international security. This infrastructure, as domestic experts rightly point out, must, first of all, correspond to the real content of international politics[12]. Its main feature, in addition to inclusiveness and voluntary participation, should be invulnerability to external dictates, independence from the whims of our Western colleagues. After their frankly perfidious decisions and actions against Russia, its citizens and tangible assets, we simply cannot afford the luxury of not thinking about alternatives. Especially since many of our friends who have lost faith in Western benevolence and decency are thinking about the same thing. Actually, efforts to create an independent global governance circuit did not begin today - the successful development of the BRICS is an example of this. However, now, without a doubt, this process will receive a powerful acceleration, including through the expansion of the SCO, the increase in the effectiveness of the Non-Aligned Movement, the formation of the Group of Friends in Defense of the UN Charter and other formats. nine0003

Reliance on national interests and international law presupposes the widespread introduction of ideas whose viability has been proven by time. Such as the concept of multipolarity based on cooperation in the "triangle" Russia-China-India, proposed by Yevgeny Primakov back in the 90s. It is appropriate to recall that long before the aggravation of relations with the West, Yevgeny Maksimovich advocated a significant increase in attention to the eastern and southern directions of Russian diplomacy. Russia is actively putting this principled goal into practice, and the current chill in relations with the West is objectively freeing up additional resources for its implementation. nine0003

There are new arguments in favor of making President Vladimir Putin's initiative to form the Greater Eurasian Partnership the flagship foreign policy project of Russia. We see the BEP as a framework open to all countries and associations of the continent in matters of economic integration and security. Its added value lies in the harmonious combination of integration projects, national development strategies, production and logistics chains, and transport and energy corridors. It is through the prism of Greater Eurasia that it is possible to pave the way for building a new model of relations between Russia and its European neighbors at the next historical stage, with an emphasis on the competitive advantages of such a partnership that are natural for geographical and other reasons. nine0003

A healthy separation from the West in many ways creates the conditions for more extensive cooperation with the global East and South, also because it is there today that the largest number of our sincere like-minded people and friends, as shown by their thoughtful, balanced response to Russian actions to protect residents Donbass, a clear refusal to join the US-led anti-Russian coalition and sanctions. True, let's not forget that the NWO and everything connected with it is by no means the main item on the national and foreign policy agendas of the non-Western world. From there, the events in Ukraine and around it look completely different than the “picture” in the reports of biased Western and international media, where Russia is categorically portrayed as guilty of all sins and responsible for almost all world problems. Undoubtedly, the "sound" of Asia, the Middle East, Africa and Latin America as priority areas for the foreseeable future will be qualitatively strengthened in the updated Concept of Russia's foreign policy. nine0003

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